Friday, April 30, 2021

dWeb News

dWeb News


Bango: Digital advertising is not a reliable source of new customers

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 04:39 AM PDT

CEOs don’t see the value of digital marketing because they aren’t tied to sales, martech company Bango said in its Board to Death report.Read More

5 Signs a VPN Isn’t Trustworthy 

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 04:39 AM PDT

VPNs are a big business worth billions of dollars a year. With so much money up for grabs, it's no surprise that many VPN providers just aren't trustworthy. So how do you choose a good, trustworthy VPN? Here are some telltale signs to watch out for before opening your wallet.

Read This Article on How-To Geek ›

Coinbase lets you pay for bitcoin and other cryptos with PayPal

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 04:39 AM PDT

Bitcoin and the entire crypto space have had a spectacular year so far, and the 2021 bull run continues. Bitcoin, ethereum, and even meme coins like doge have climbed to all-time highs at various points throughout the year, and others are expected to continue to surge in the coming months. Increased interest from retail investors, the involvement of multiple institutions, the NFT phenomenon, are all factors that might have fueled the growth of bitcoin. The infusion of cash into the economy to prop up industry sectors and people who lost their jobs during the pandemic can also explain the crypto bull run. After all, when bitcoin goes up, everything else follows.

Coinbase, one of the world's most popular exchanges where people can buy and sell various digital coins, has recently gone public, with IPO documentation highlighting the impressive year the company had so far, thanks to the current bull run. Separately, PayPal started supporting crypto purchases on its platform for four distinct cryptocurrencies late last year. A few weeks ago, it rolled out a new feature that lets people pay for goods by exchanging their digital coins for fiat currency in the app. The two companies have joined forces to roll out a new feature. Coinbase now lets customers buy crypto on the exchange using PayPal.

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If you want to purchase bitcoin, ethereum, litecoin, and bitcoin cash, then you don't have to leave PayPal to do it. But Coinbase offers plenty of other popular cryptocurrencies that PayPal doesn't support.

Before integrating PayPal, Coinbase supported various payment options, including debit cards and transfers from bank accounts. These options will remain in place, but they have a few drawbacks that PayPal might fix. First of all, bank and wire transfers might take time, which can be a problem in a highly volatile market. PayPal can fix that, as it can offer instant payment support for crypto purchases.

Animation shows how checking out with PayPal works on Coinbase. Image source: Coinbase

Coinbase also explained in its blog that PayPal support brings over an additional feature, an extra layer of security, something that customers might value. Instead of giving Coinbase your debit card and bank account information, you can use PayPal to act as the middleman between your funds and the crypto exchange. That's not to say Coinbase transactions aren't safe, but PayPal's "familiar and trusted experience" might be better for users, especially customers who are just starting to discover the cryptocurrency world.

PayPal users can buy crypto on Coinbase with a few simple taps, as long as they have a Coinbase account. The email addresses registered with PayPal and Coinbase have to coincide if you don't want to go through a two-factor authentication process during checkout. But PayPal payments work even if you have different email addresses set up for Coinbase and PayPal.

There's also a daily limit for PayPal purchases on Coinbase, $25,000. The feature is only available to US customers for the time being, but it will be rolled out to other countries in the future. Cash withdrawals from Coinbase to PayPal are also available to users in the US, Canada, EU, and the UK.

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EU accuses Apple of anti-competitive behavior in Spotify antitrust case

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 04:39 AM PDT

A report said a few days ago that the European Commission would issue antitrust charges against Apple in a Spotify case. The music streaming service filed a complaint with the EU's antitrust regulator, claiming that Apple's App Store rules "purposely limit choice and stifle innovation at the expense of the user experience." Spotify complained about Apple's 30% tax for in-app purchases; the App Store rule that prevents companies from advertising any alternative payment options in the iOS app; and that Apple competes directly with Spotify via Apple Music.

The Commission filed antitrust charges against Apple on Friday, finding that Apple "distorted competition in the music streaming market as it abused its dominant position for the distribution of music streaming apps through its App Store."

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The EU only issued the official Statement of Objections to Apple, the first formal procedure part of an antitrust investigation that might take up plenty of time until a resolution is reached. Apple will have time to respond to the Commission's list of objections and defend itself. The iPhone maker risks fines of up to 10% of its annual revenue, which would be around $27 billion based on Apple's last year's figures, as well as having to make changes to its App Store business model.

The Commission highlighted two App Store rules that Apple imposes in agreements with music streaming companies like Spotify:

The mandatory use of Apple's proprietary in-app purchase system ('IAP') for the distribution of paid digital content. Apple charges app developers a 30% commission fee on all subscriptions bought through the mandatory IAP. The Commission's investigation showed that most streaming providers passed this fee on to end users by raising prices.
'Anti-steering provisions' which limit the ability of app developers to inform users of alternative purchasing possibilities outside of apps. While Apple allows users to use music subscriptions purchased elsewhere, its rules prevent developers from informing users about such purchasing possibilities, which are usually cheaper. The Commission is concerned that users of Apple devices pay significantly higher prices for their music subscription services or they are prevented from buying certain subscriptions directly in their apps.

The Commission's preliminary finding is that Apple's rules "distort competition in the market for music streaming services by raising the costs of competing music streaming app developers." This leads to higher prices for consumers buying in-app music subscriptions on iOS devices. "In addition, Apple becomes the intermediary for all IAP transactions and takes over the billing relationship, as well as related communications for competitors," the announcement reads.

Our preliminary conclusion: @Apple is in breach of EU competition law. @AppleMusic compete with other music streaming services. But @Apple charges high commission fees on rivals in the App store & forbids them to inform of alternative subscription options. Consumers losing out.

— Margrethe Vestager (@vestager) April 30, 2021

Spotify has applauded the initial charges, according to a statement from Spotify's chief legal officer to The Verge:

Ensuring the iOS platform operates fairly is an urgent task with far-reaching implications. The European Commission's statement of objections is a critical step toward holding Apple accountable for its anticompetitive behavior, ensuring meaningful choice for all consumers and a level playing field for app developers.

Apple responded to the EU's antitrust charges signaling it would continue to defend its App Store rules:

Spotify has become the largest music subscription service in the world, and we're proud for the role we played in that. Spotify does not pay Apple any commission on over 99% of their subscribers, and only pays a 15% commission on those remaining subscribers that they acquired through the App Store. At the core of this case is Spotify's demand they should be able to advertise alternative deals on their iOS app, a practice that no store in the world allows. Once again, they want all the benefits of the App Store but don't think they should have to pay anything for that. The Commission's argument on Spotify's behalf is the opposite of fair competition.

Spotify's complaint is one of the four antitrust probes that Apple faces in Europe.

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How to be an in-demand cloud geek

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 03:42 AM PDT

CRN published one of those slideshow articles revealing "The Most In-Demand Cloud Computing Jobs For 2021."

Spoiler alert: Cloud engineers are in the most demand, earning an average annual salary of $118,000. Of course, "cloud engineer" could mean many different things in many different organizations. Let's just say it's someone who knows a lot about cloud computing and is also a hands-on problem solver.

[ Also on InfoWorld: Cloud tech certifications count more than degrees now ]

The great thing about cloud computing is it has been in demand for the last 8 to 10 years, depending on what aspect of cloud computing you wanted to specialize in. As the demand rose, so did the number of those in and outside of IT who sought a cloud computing career path. I've seen teachers, cops, social workers, stay-at-home-parents, and those on very different career paths pivot to cloud computing, and most have done well.

To read this article in full, please click here

JetBrains takes TeamCity CI/CD to the cloud

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 03:42 AM PDT

JetBrains is taking its TeamCity CI/CD (continuous integration/continuous delivery) platform to the cloud, with the introduction of the TeamCity Cloud service.

Introduced April 27, after having been beta tested by nearly 5,000 users, TeamCity Cloud is intended for software development teams who want to escape the burden of maintaining their own infrastructure. Based on the original TeamCity CI/CD server, the cloud service integrates with version control systems, issue trackers, IDEs, and cloud providers, with JetBrains taking care of updating build tools and installing security patches.

To read this article in full, please click here

The tactics police are using to prevent bystander video

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 02:39 AM PDT

Kian Kelley-Chung was wearing a black T-shirt with the logo of his documentary and art collective on the day last summer when he found himself filming the Washington, DC, police during a protest. It was August 13, 2020, and Kelley-Chung had been recording Black Lives Matter demonstrations in the city for a couple of months. At this one, in the Adams Morgan neighborhood, he saw an officer push somebody to the ground—and as he rushed over to film it, he says, he was shoved by an officer himself. Quickly he was trapped, or "kettled," with a small crowd of people. 

Kelley-Chung says that's when an officer carrying zip ties said he had to arrest someone, before looking directly at him, grabbing him, and pulling him out of the kettle. Kelley-Chung—whose photos had been published in the Washington Post—was carrying multiple pieces of video equipment, along with his cell phone. 

"I yelled out, 'They are arresting a journalist!'" he says. Others in the crowd echoed his call, but he was shuttled to multiple precincts and spent hours in a small cell with a maskless person. He was released the next day with no charges, as were most of the 40 other people who were arrested at the same protest, but the police kept his equipment and phone. 

That equipment might still be in police custody, he says, if he hadn't secured legal assistance. After 10 weeks, with the help of the National Press Photographers Association and First Look Media's Press Freedom Defense Fund, lawyers finally got Kelley-Chung's equipment back. Once that was achieved, they sued the police for civil rights violations, with a complaint that accused the District, the Metropolitan Police, and its acting chief, as well as multiple officers and local officials, of violating his privacy and his rights under the First and Fourth Amendments. They settled the lawsuit in April: Kelley-Chung was awarded a "substantial" sum. 

Filming the police has become a popular tool of accountability that is simultaneously essential and dangerous. Because of a video filmed by a bystander, we know that Minneapolis Police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd, a Black man in his 40s, by kneeling on his neck for nearly nine minutes. Without the video that 17-year-old Darnella Frazier took, it's very possible Chauvin would not have been convicted: when police first described Floyd's death in a press statement, they claimed that it had occurred "after [a] medical incident during police interaction." 

People film the police because they know that officers hurt or kill people and lie about it; because it is generally within their First Amendment rights to do so; and because recording an encounter with the cops might make them feel a little bit safer. Police departments cannot simply be taken at their word, and independent video of possible misconduct or violence can sometimes be the only thing with the power to make a false police narrative give way to the truth. 

But as Kelley-Chung found, police officers aren't simply letting this happen. Even though filming the police is generally legal if it doesn't interfere with their activities, and even though officers are increasingly carrying cameras themselves, they have developed a range of tactics to prevent their actions from being documented. 

And if you want to know how they do it, you can ask a cop watcher. 

"It puts the officer on notice"

Hamid Khan, an organizer with the Stop LAPD Spying Coalition, is one of a cohort of people who film the police in Los Angeles. Cop watchers do exactly what the term suggests: observe and document police doing their jobs. A couple of organizations train people in LA to safely film police and other city officials at work, whether it's to record how protests are monitored or to capture wrongdoing. 

That training, Khan says, also includes strategies for handling the tactics that police will use to stop themselves from being filmed. These include "bodying up," or physically blocking a camera with their bodies, and "threatening, intimidating, harassing the people who are using video cameras." 

As long as police are being recorded in public, carrying out their duties, "we believe, and many federal courts have said, that the right to film the police is protected by the First Amendment," says Emerson Sykes, a staff attorney with the ACLU's Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project. That includes multiple decisions from US circuit courts, but not the Supreme Court, which has yet to weigh in. Recently, the 10th Circuit Court split from this consensus, issuing a decision in late March that declined to affirm the First Amendment right to record police. 

Many states, including California, do stipulate that filming the police can be illegal when an officer determines that a bystander with a camera is interfering with an investigation. And while the right to take pictures and record video of police officers working in public is pretty uncontroversially established, audio recordings—including those made as part of a video—can be a trickier subject. 

The Electronic Frontier Foundation's guide to recording police notes that in places with one-party-consent wiretap laws—38 US states and the District of Columbia—you can freely record audio. In the 12 states with two-party-consent laws, a plainly visible recording device "puts the officer on notice and thus their consent might be implied," but police might argue differently.

Legitimate arguments, illegitimate situations

There are lots of reasons why a police officer might not want to be on camera. Some are more understandable than others, says Adam Scott Wandt, an assistant professor of public policy at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. In a sensitive encounter, like a domestic violence call, an officer or victim might not want identities revealed by a bystander sharing film on social media. Undercover officers, he says, are also resistant to being filmed and having their identities become public record. 

These might be legitimate concerns, but cop watchers say they are also arguments that they've seen police officers use in illegitimate situations. 

Wandt, who was an officer in New York's Long Beach for four years before cell phones with cameras were as common, says he has experienced this now that he's a professor and photographer. "I have been asked on one occasion by a police officer not to photograph him," he says. "He wasn't doing anything. He was standing on the subway. And the police officer said to me 'Never take pictures of the police.' Obviously the law is not on his side." 

"The police officer said to me 'Never take pictures of the police.' Obviously the law is not on his side."

Adam Scott Wandt, John Jay College of Criminal Justice

Multiple cop watchers say they've repeatedly seen police officers cite interference in completely unwarranted situations, often as an implicit threat. They are, says Khan, "almost in a sense, trying to create conditions … where they can show that, you know, people are interfering with their work, which is not true." 

"I've been threatened with it," says Jed Parriott of LA Street Watch, which advocates for the rights of people experiencing homelessness. He's also had police officers tell him that the unhoused people he's filming don't want him there and that his work is exploiting them, when he knows for a fact that his presence at this specific moment is welcome and wanted. 

Street Watch spends time in encampments in the city, documenting the way police and city officials treat their inhabitants and watching for "sweeps," which are essentially mass evictions. The organization was supporting the encampment at Echo Park Lake until the city closed the park for repairs and kicked out every one of the couple of hundred people who lived there. In Echo Park, Parriott was filming while park rangers argued with, and then tackled, a young Black resident. 

"I was really, really worried," he says. "A very tense moment. But as this was going on, the rangers pinned him to the ground and I was right there, five feet away, filming everything. People screaming all around me, yelling. A sanitation worker put his hand in front of my camera." Then, he says, an LAPD officer blocked his view with his body. "You just adjust and move," Parriott says. 

LAPD officers are trained to handle bystander recordings as a first amendment right, says Lieutenant Raul Jovel, a spokesperson for the department, and that training is reiterated on a regular basis. When officers go against that training, Jovel said, the department's response varies from a reminder of the public's right to film them to a personnel investigation and disciplinary action. 

Officers can be particularly resistant to allowing someone with the right to film to continue to do so, he says, when they believe the person with a camera is also yelling at the police. "Sometimes as an officer, you're like, 'wait a minute. I have the right to speak for myself," Jovel said. "What we have to remind officers is, 'I hate to tell you this, but you are a public servant, and this is part of the job.'" 

The Los Angeles Park Ranger's manual includes a section on recordings made by members of the public, where it recognizes this act as a right, advising that rangers "will not prohibit or intentionally interfere with such lawful recordings."

Sykes notes another situation that can be tough for those recording the police to navigate: when an officer seeks to view a photo or asks you to delete it, with the implicit or explicit suggestion that you'll go free if you comply. It is, Sykes says, unlawful for an officer to do this. A warrant is generally required to view your photos or take them as evidence. "Even if they have a warrant from a judge, and even if you're arrested, they still don't have the right to delete the photos," he adds. 

Not everyone who might capture police misconduct will have been trained in advance. Parriott and other activists regularly distribute flyers to inform people of their right to film the police, because police will tell people they don't have that right when in fact they do. 

How to stay safe

But even if it's legal, it's not always safe. In August of last year, a father who stepped out of his own car to film across the street from where his son was being arrested was pepper-sprayed and handcuffed. Kelley-Chung, the documentarian, says he first experienced the sense of danger a couple of years ago when he and a friend were pulled over for a minor reason on their way back to college. He recalls that the officer pulled his friend out of the car, angry that they had not fully opened the window. He wanted to film the rest of the encounter but was confronted by another officer when he reached into his pocket to retrieve his phone. 

Regardless of what an individual officer intends, Wandt says, many "just don't want things on camera in case things go sideways," and they especially don't want to be in a viral video if that happens, That prospect is likely driving a lot of officers to try to interfere illegitimately with bystander recordings. In some cases, they are preemptively trying to cover for a colleague who is prone to violence.  "There are police officers who consider themselves warriors, who will use an extreme amount of force when force is required," Wandt says. "Those officers obviously don't want their face or actions caught on camera." 

Staying safer while recording police activity requires different tactics depending on the situation. Bystanders witnessing police violence in a public space should keep a distance, Kelley-Chung advises—that way you can't be accused of being a participant. If you get pulled over? Get a passenger to start filming right away, before the officer approaches your window (reaching into your pocket for your phone can also be extremely dangerous, particularly for people of color). If it's legal in your area, a dash cam might be an alternative, Wandt suggests. 

As much as a cell-phone camera offers protection, Wandt says, it's also important to keep in mind that "once somebody takes out a camera and starts filming an arrest, it absolutely changes the nature of the situation for everybody, from the victim to the suspect to the police officer." 

"There's the law, there's the Constitution, and then there's what you do when you're face to face with the police," says Sykes, the ACLU attorney. Figuring out exactly how much to push back against a police officer who is giving an unlawful order is "tough," he says, especially in certain circumstances—for example, at a protest. 

"There is a special flavor of risk when you're protesting the police and the police are armed and standing feet away from you," Sykes says. 

On-the-ground experience is really the only way to read whether a situation at a protest is safe. But one thing Kelley-Chung has observed is that the presence of a camera filming an officer can protect others from misconduct. 

"When you see people in a verbal dispute with police, get as close as possible," he says. "That camera can be more protection than a tactical vest." 

In any situation, everyone we spoke to had the same caveats: Do not interfere in police operations. Comply when police tell you that you need to move, but you do not have to stop filming from a new location, even if they claim you must, as long as you are recording an officer in a public space carrying out their duties.

Cop watchers generally advise others to collect identifying information on police at the scene, and to note the time and location. You could ask for a badge number; Parriott says most officers actually just carry business cards. 

A mine of misinformation

No single video is going to change how police act, and experts argue that even large numbers of videos cannot change the culture of many police departments. On the contrary, police have found ways to use video, especially body camera footage, to reinforce and control their own narrative in cases of possible violence or misconduct. 

People like to think that video is simply a neutral tool for capturing information, says Jennifer Grygiel, an assistant professor of communications at Syracuse University—but it's not, and how it's released, and in what context, needs additional vetting. 

"They get to set the narrative when it's released, which controls the initial public sentiment around it and opinion. They also push it out on their social media, and their accounts are just like everybody else's in that they grow their audience. So then they get people following them there because they're the first to publish information," Grygiel says. Her own research deals with how police departments use social media to bypass fact-checking by journalists: it started after she noticed how police were pushing out mugshots on local Facebook pages. "People were going in there, like an old public square, and harassing people who had been arrested," she says.

As police become better at producing their own media, finding an audience outside of journalism, and making the most of accountability measures like body cameras, Grygiel argues, independent documentation of police officers working in public can serve as a counter to that messaging. Sometimes, as was in the case with the Floyd murder, that documentation happens spontaneously, and often amid great distress, when clear instances of police violence or misconduct are unfolding in real time. 

But the capacity for police and police-affiliated organizations to spread misinformation was obvious during the protests in the summer of 2020, when police departments repeatedly promoted inaccurate information. Some of that misinformation went viral, aided by sympathetic media coverage and the right-wing internet, hell-bent on reinforcing the belief that anti-racism protests are merely a conduit for a violent war on cops.

Police unions promoted an alarming claim that Shake Shack employees had "intentionally poisoned" a group of police officers in Manhattan. The story had been dispelled by the next morning: NYPD investigators said the foul-tasting substance in the three officers' milkshakes wasn't "bleach," as the unions speculated, and it wasn't added to the drinks on purpose. Although the Police Benevolent Association and the Detectives' Endowment Association both eventually deleted their tweets making the accusation, they had tens of thousands of retweets, and triggered a wave of credulous coverage in conservative and mainstream press. Media write-ups about the tweets got tens of thousands of shares on Facebook and continued to circulate even after the story was debunked. 

And this was just one example. Last summer, NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea reposted a video of police removing bins of bricks from a South Brooklyn sidewalk, claiming they were the work of "organized looters" offering protesters materials to use for violence, despite little evidence that this was actually true. The NYPD also circulated an alert to officers with images of coffee cups filled with concrete, which closely resemble concrete samples used on construction sites. In Columbus, Ohio, the police tweeted out a photo of a colorful bus that they said was supplying dangerous equipment to "rioters," fueling already rampant national rumors of "antifa buses" descending on cities. In fact, the bus belonged to a group of circus performers, who said the equipment police cited as riot supplies included juggling clubs and kitchen utensils. 

In short, police still lie despite being watched more closely than ever. There are hundreds of videos of police misconduct at the summer protests alone, some from the body cams introduced in reforms meant to hold them more accountable. But Kelley-Chung thinks there's only so much difference any one video can make. 

"I've seen people filming officers with their cameras out in the moment and then get tackled by police," he says. "They know they're on camera … and yet they still continue to abuse."

And even after he reached his settlement with the DC police, there's an aspect of that day he can't stop thinking about. Kelley-Chung is Black, and his filming partner, Andrew Jasiura, is white. They were both dressed in the same T-shirt, carrying the same sort of camera equipment. Officers saw Jasiura too: "They pulled him out so they could talk to him," says Kelley-Chung. 

That's when Jasiura told police that his partner was a journalist too. They continued to arrest him anyway.

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Cloud infrastructure spending grew 35% to $41.8B in Q1 2021

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 02:39 AM PDT

Global cloud services infrastructure spending grew to $41.8 billion in Q1 2020, representing a 35% year-on-year (YoY) rise.Read More

Amazon posts record profits as AWS hits $54B annual run rate

Posted: 30 Apr 2021 02:39 AM PDT

Amazon posted record profits on Thursday and signaled that consumers would keep spending in a growing U.S. economy.Read More

Samsung might be working on an exciting new kind of foldable phone

Posted: 29 Apr 2021 08:39 PM PDT

Samsung is the undisputed leader in the foldable smartphone business, in part because the Korean giant was the first to manufacture phones with foldable screens. Samsung kept showing off the technology at trade shows like CES before putting together a commercial foldable product. The first Galaxy Fold arrived in early 2019, but the launch wasn't flawless. Samsung missed two key design issues during testing and had to postpone the release date by almost half a year to fix them. The Galaxy Z rebrand followed in 2020 when Samsung launched the Galaxy Z Flip clamshell and the Galaxy Z Fold 2 foldable. The handsets delivered a few massive upgrades, including a foldable screen made of glass and a hinge mechanism that kept dust away better than the previous models.

This year, Samsung is widely expected to launch two foldable devices, the obvious successors of last year's Flip and Fold. The Flip 3 and Fold 3 might be unveiled as soon as July, with Samsung looking to replace the Note series with this form factor, at least in 2021. These are supposedly the only foldable phones coming out of Samsung this year, according to some reports. Others say that an even more exciting foldable product might be at least teased this year if not launched. And Samsung might have just confirmed those rumors.

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A series of leaks detailed a Samsung foldable featuring two hinges and three display parts. The dual-foldable gadget was described both as a smartphone and as a tablet. Both make sense. Unfolded, the gadget would look more like a tablet than the Fold ever did. Fold it up, and a part of the screen can be used in a phone mode, albeit the contraption would be at least as bulky as the Fold. There's even an unofficial name for this device: Galaxy Z Fold Tab.

There's no telling when and if Samsung will go ahead with such a device, but this type of foldable handset/tablet will certainly give Samsung an advantage over competitors. Several Android smartphone makers from China have released their own Fold-like devices or plan to launch such handsets soon. On top of that, some companies have shown off daring contraptions with foldable displays that can be rolled.

Samsung S-Foldable Display trademark. Image source: Samsung via LetsGoDigital

Nevertheless, Samsung filed for a Samsung "S-Foldable" trademark with the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO) and the Korean Intellectual Property Office (KIPO), Dutch blog LetsGoDigital has discovered. Unlike patented technology that's not guaranteed to make it into commercial devices, trademarks indicate that a company plans to use that particular name for marketing a new device.

According to the description, the "S-Foldable" trademark would be used for "display panels; display for smartphones; LCD large-screen displays; flexible flat panel displays for computers."

The name makes it clear that S-Foldable would refer to a foldable device component, and the description tells us it's a display. How do we know S-Foldable isn't for one of the existing or future Flips and Folds? Well, Samsung already has a marketing term for the foldable displays used in the Flip and Fold models. The Infinity Flex was announced back in November 2018, when Samsung teased the first-gen Fold handset. This was nearly four months before the Fold was officially introduced. The Flip and Fold 2 also used Infinity Flex displays. S-Foldable must be for something else.

Concept showing a Samsung foldable phone with two hinges and three display sides. Image source: LetsGoDigital

A dual-hinge foldable device would look like the letter "S" when folded, as seen in the concept image above that LetsGoDigital created.

With this in mind, it seems like just a matter of time until Samsung unveils the dual foldable Galaxy Z Fold Tab handset/tablet. We'll just have to wait and see whether Samsung will tease the S-Foldable tech this year.

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